new york- 第4部分

amendment。　We　are　not　disposed；　however；　to　look　for　arguments　to

the　debates　and　discussions　of　the　Convention；　in　our　view　often

a　deceptive　and　dangerous　method　of　construing　a　law；　since　the

vote　is　very　frequently　given　on　even　conflicting　reasons。

Different　minds　arrive　at　the　same　results　by　different

processes；　and　it　is　no　unusual　thing　for　men　to　deny　each

other's　premises　while　they　accept　their　conclusions。　We　shall

look；　therefore；　solely　to　the　compact　itself；　as　the　most

certain　mode　of　ascertaining　what　was　done。



No　one　will　deny　that　all　the　great　powers　of　sovereignty　are

directly　conceded　to　the　Union。　The　right　to　make　war　and　peace；

to　coin　money；　maintain　armies　and　navies；　&c。；　&c。；　in

themselves　overshadow　most　of　the　sovereignty　of　the　States。　The

amendatory　clause　would　seem　to　annihilate　it。　By　the　provisions

of　that　clause　three　fourths　of　the　States　can　take　away　all　the

powers　and　rights　now　resting　in　the　hands　of　the　respective

States；　with　a　single　exception。　This　exception　gives　breadth　and

emphasis　to　the　efficiency　of　the　clause。　It　will　be　remembered

that　all　this　can　be　done　within　the　present　Constitution。　It　is

a　part　of　the　original　bargain。　Thus；　New　York　can　legally　be

deprived　of　the　authority　to　punish　for　theft；　to　lay　out

highways；　to　incorporate　banks；　and　all　the　ordinary　interests

over　which　she　at　present　exercises　control；　every　human　being

within　her　limits　dissenting。　Now　as　sovereignty　means　power　in

the　last　resort；　this　amendatory　clause　most　clearly　deprives　the

State　of　all　sovereign　power　thus　put　at　the　disposition　of

Conventions　of　the　several　States；　in　fact；　the　votes　of　these

Conventions；　or　that　of　the　respective　legislatures　acting　in　the

same　capacity；　is　nothing　but　the　highest　species　of　legislation

known　to　the　country；　and　no　other　mode　of　altering　the

institutions　would　be　legal。　It　follows　unavoidably；　we　repeat；

that　the　sovereignty　which　remains　in　the　several　States　must　be

looked　for　solely　in　the　exception。　What　then　is　this　exception？



It　is　a　provision　which　says；　that　no　State　may　be　deprived　of

its　equal　representation　in　the　Senate；　without　its　own　consent。

It　might　well　be　questioned　whether　this　provision　of　the

Constitution　renders　a　Senate　indispensable　to　the　Government。

But　we　are　willing　to　concede　this　point　and　admit　that　it　does。

Can　the　vote　of　a　single　State；　which　is　one　of　a　body　of　thirty；

and　which　is　bound　to　submit　to　the　decision　of　a　legal　majority；

be　deemed　a　sovereign　vote？　Assuming　that　the　whole　power　of　the

Government　of　the　United　States　were　in　the　Senate；　would　any　one

State　be　sovereign　in　such　a　condition　of　things？　We　think　not。

But　the　Senate　does　not　constitute　by　any　means　the　whole　or　the

half　of　the　authority　of　this　Government；　its　legislative　power

is　divided　with　a　popular　body；　without　the　concurrence　of　which

it　can　do　nothing；　this　dilutes　the　sovereignty　to　a　degree　that

renders　it　very　imperceptible；　if　not　very　absurd。　Nor　is　this

all。　After　a　law　is　passed　by　the　concurrence　of　the　two　houses

of　Congress　it　is　sent　to　a　perfectly　independent　tribunal　to

decide　whether　it　is　in　conformity　with　the　principles　of　the

great　national　compact；　thus　demonstrating；　as　we　assume；　that

the　sovereignty　of　this　whole　country　rests；　not　in　its　people；

not　in　its　States；　but　in　the　Government　of　the　Union。



Sovereignty；　and　that　of　the　most　absolute　character；　is

indispensable　to　the　right　of　secession：　Nay；　sovereignty；　in　the

ordinary　acceptation　of　the　meaning　of　the　term；　might　exist　in　a

State　without　this　right　of　secession。　We　doubt　if　it　would　be

held　sound　doctrine　to　maintain　that　any　single　State　had　a　right

to　secede　from　the　German　Confederation；　for　instance；　and　many

alliances；　or　mere　treaties；　are　held　to　be　sacred　and

indissoluble；　they　are　only　broken　by　an　appeal　to　violence。



Every　human　contract　may　be　said　to　possess　its　distinctive

character。　Thus；　marriage　is　to　be　distinguished　from　a

partnership　in　trade；　without　recurrence　to　any　particular　form

of　words。　Marriage；　contracted　by　any　ceremony　whatever；　is　held

to　be　a　contract　for　life。　The　same　is　true　of　governments：　in

their　nature　they　are　intended　to　be　indissoluble。　We　doubt　if

there　be　an　instance　on　record　of　a　government　that　ever　existed；

under　conditions；　expressed　or　implied；　that　the　parts　of　its

territory　might　separate　at　will。　There　are　so　many　controlling

and　obvious　reasons　why　such　a　privilege　should　not　remain　in　the

hands　of　sections　or　districts；　that　it　is　unnecessary　to　advert

to　them。　But　after　a　country　has　rounded　its　territory；

constructed　its　lines　of　defence；　established　its　system　of

custom…houses；　and　made　all　the　other　provisions　for　security；

convenience；　and　concentration；　that　are　necessary　to　the　affairs

of　a　great　nation；　it　would　seem　to　be　very　presumptuous　to

impute　to　any　particular　district　the　right　to　destroy　or

mutilate　a　system　regulated　with　so　much　care。



The　only　manner　in　which　the　right　of　secession　could　exist　in

one　of　the　American　States；　would　be　by　an　express　reservation　to

that　effect；　in　the　Constitution。　There　is　no　such　clause；　did　it

exist　it　would　change　the　whole　character　of　the　Government；

rendering　it　a　mere　alliance；　instead　of　being　that　which　it　now

isa　lasting　Union。　But；　whatever　may　be　the　legal　principles

connected　with　this　serious　subject；　there　always　exists；　in

large　bodies　of　men；　a　power　to　change　their　institutions　by

means　of　the　strong　hand。　This　is　termed　the　right　of　revolution；

and　it　has　often　been　appealed　to　to　redress　grievances　that

could　be　removed　by　no　other　agency。　It　is　undeniable　that　the

institution　of　domestic　slavery　as　it　now　exists　in　what　are

termed　the　Southern　and　South…Western　States　of　this　country；

creates　an　interest　of　the　most　delicate　and　sensitive　character。

Nearly　one　half　of　the　entire　property　of　the　slave…holding

States　consists　in　this　right　to　the　services　of　human　beings　of

a　race　so　different　from　our　own　as　to　render　any　amalgamation　to

the　last　degree　improbable；　if　not　impossible。　Any　one　may　easily

estimate　the　deep　interest　that　the　masters　feel　in　the

preservation　of　their　property。　The　spirit　of　the　age　is

decidedly　against　them；　and　of　this　they　must　be　sensible；　it

doubly　augments　their　anxiety　for　the　future。　The　natural

increase；　moreover；　of　these　human　chattels　renders　an　outlet

indispensable；　or　they　will　soon　cease　to　be　profitable　by　the

excess　of　their　numbers。　To　these　facts　we　owe　the　figments　which

have　rendered　the　Southern　school　of　logicians　a　little

presuming；　perhaps；　and　certainly　very　sophistical。　Among　other

theories　we　find　the　bold　one；　that　the　Territories　of　the　United

States　are　the　property；　not　of　the　several　States；　but　of　their

individual　people；　in　other　words；　that　the　native　of　New　York　or

Rhode　Island；　regardless　of　the　laws　of　the　country；　has　a　right

to　remove　to　any　one　of　these　Territories；　carry　with　him　just

such　property　as　he　may　see　fit；　and　make　such　use　of　it　as　he

may　find　convenient。　This　is　a　novel　co…partnership　in

jurisdiction；　to　say　the　least；　and　really　does　not　seem　worthy

of　a　serious　reply。



The　territory　of　the　United　States　is　strictly　subject　to　the

Government。　The　only　clause　in　the　Constitution　which　refers　to

this　interest　conveys　that　meaning。　But；　were　the　instrument

silent；　the　power　would　remain　the　same。　Sovereignty　of　this

nature　is　not　determined　by　municipal　law；　but　by　the　law　of

nations。　Thus；　for　instance；　the　right　to　make　war；　which　is

inherent　in　every　state　of　FOREIGN　RELATIONS；　infers　the　right　to

secure　its　conquests；　and　that　clause　of　the　Constitution　which

declares　that　the　war…making　power　shall　abide　in　Congress；　says；

at　the　same　time；　by　an　unavoidable　implication；　that　the

national　legislature　shall　have　all　authority　to　control　the

consequences　of　this　war。　It　may　dispose　of　its　prisoners　and　its

conquests　according　to　its　own　views　of　policy　and　justice；

subject　only　to　the　great　principles　that　modern　civilization　has

introduced　into　public　concerns。



One　can　understand　why　a　different　theory　is　in　favor　at　the

South。　It　would　be　very　convenient；　no　doubt；　to　the　slaveholder

to　be　permitted　to　transfer　his　slaves　to　the　gold　diggings；　and

gather　the　precious　metal　in　lieu　of　a　crop　of　cotton。　But　this；

the　policy　of　the　whole　country　forbids。　Congress　has　very　justly

left　the　decision　of　this　very　important　matter　to　the　people　of

California　itself；　and　they　have　almost　unanimously　raised　their

voices　against　the　measure。　This；　after　all；　is　the　really　sore

point　in　controversy　between　the　South　and　the　North。　The

fugitive　slave　has　been；　and　will　be　given　up　to　the　legal　claims

of　his　master；　and；　in　a　vast　majority　of　the　people　of　the

North；　there　is　no　disposition　to　disturb　the　legislati